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(AT-21: dp. 751; 1. 156'8"; b. 30'; dr. 14'7"; s 124 k;
cpl. 35; a. 2~3"; cl. Bagaduce)
Ammonoosuc (AT-21) was renamed Bagaduce 24 Feb.
wary 1919; launched 5 April 1919 by Ferguson Steel and Iron Co., Buffalo, N. Y.; and commissioned 18 September 1919, Lieutenant ( junior grade) F. Mogridge in command.
Assigned to the 3d Naval District, Bagaduce operated at New York Navy Yard and along the coast of New England. In July 1926 she was on duty during the salvage of S-51 (SS-162) off Point Judith, R I Bagaduce was next assigned to the 7th Naval District and arrived at Key West, Fla, 2 August 1926. Between 26 April and 7 June 1927 she assisted in refugee and ether disaster relief operations during the flood along the Mississippi River She left Key West 11 July 1927 for Coco Solo, C. Z., where she operated with the Control Force at the Submarine Base until February 1929 when she returned to Key West. She continued routine operations until 20 April 1932 when she was decommissioned at Philadelphia.
Bagaduce was recommissioned at Philadelphia 22 June 1938 and assigned duty in the 11th Naval District, arriving at San Diego, Calif., 22 October 1938. She remained on duty in California waters through 1942. Following a voyage to Pearl Harbor early in 1943, she returned to San Francisco. She operated along the California coast until decommissioned 22 June 1946. Her classification was changed to ATO 21 on 14 May 1944. Bagaduce was transferred to the Maritime Commission 9 January 1947.
One of the more important of this region’s waterways is the Bagaduce River. For at least 2,000 years, it served native people as a major transportation artery from the Penobscot River to the Reach. It was called Meniwoken (the many directions route) by the Indians who paddled to the river’s source in Walker’s Pond, avoiding the difficult waters off Cape Rosier. A short carry from the pond to the Punch Bowl, across from Little Deer, gave access to the Reach and the canoe routes of Deer Isle.
PHOTO: Bill Haviland’s Book Indian People and Deer Isle Maine sheds insights on Indians too.
The name Bagaduce is a corruption of an Indian word, Majabigwaduce, meaning “big tideway river.” Most people assume that this is the original name of the river, but it is not. The word is a Mi’kmaq (Micmac) one, but the Mi’kmaqs are not native to this region. Their homeland lies in Canada’s Maritime provinces and far northern Maine. So how did a Mi’kmaq name get applied to a river in midcoastal Maine?
What happened was that in the 16th century, the natives of Nova Scotia developed an important trade relationship with the French, from whom they got such things as copper kettles, iron axes, cloth, guns and ammunition. As this trade grew in importance, traditional trading relationships were disrupted. Moreover, Mi’kmaqs sought to solidify their favored position by raiding down the coast, eventually as far south as Massachusetts Bay. In this, they were aided by their quick mastery of French shallops (open vessels with one mast, about 20 feet long, that could be rowed or sailed), and their possession of French firearms. Local Indians reacted to these raids in two ways those living east of Schoodic allied themselves with the Mi’kmaqs those to the west with the Almouchiquois, who lived between the Kennebec and Merrimack Rivers. By 1600, the Mi’kmaqs and their allies controlled the coast all the way to Penobscot Bay, and in 1615 they defeated the head of the regional confederacy that had controlled the region from Schoodic to Cape Neddick. One of the staging areas for these raids was probably Isle au Haut, which Captain John Smith in 1614 referred to as “the Isle of Sorico.”
The French called the Mi’kmaqs Souriquois, and Smith’s Indian guide probably told him it was the “Isle of the Souriquois.” By the time this was filtered through the Indians’ accent and Smith’s English ears, it must have sounded like Sorico.
The people native to the coast between the Kennebec and Saint John Rivers were Etchemins, whose name means “real human beings” (the Passamaquoddy word for themselves, Skidjim, is a modem version of Etchemin). In 1611, the Jesuit Pierre Biard met with a large group of Etchemins, including their most important chief (the one later overthrown by the Mi’kmaqs), near the mouth of what we call the Bagaduce. Their name for the river clearly was Chiboctous, meaning “big bay.” Specifically, it refers to protected inland bays connected to the sea by tidal channels, such as the great bays of the Bagaduce: the north and south bays in the present town of Penobscot. Such places were attractive to Indians, as the tide brought in food fishes, and the water was often open year round.
Today the old name for the river survives in the Passamaquoddy word Keipokotus, a slightly modified version of the original. The Passamaquoddies, for their,part, are descended from the eastern Etchemins.
This article first appeared in Island Ad-Vantages, May 18, 2006
In 1779, British warships and troop transports sailed into Bagaduce (now Castine, Maine), on the Penobscot Bay. Seven hundred British troops built a fort to defend Canada, deny timber to the rebels and interrupt their privateering. Ultimately they intended to settle the outpost as a haven for Loyalists. The British planned to call it New Ireland.
Maine then belonged to Massachusetts, which soon got word of the British presence on its soil. Civilian officeholders of the commonwealth decided to force them out. They called up the militia and commandeered ships from the Massachusetts Navy, the Continental Navy and the fleet of privateers.
The Penobscot Expedition included 40 vessels, nearly 2,000 seamen and marines, 100 artillerymen, 870 militia and 350 guns.
The operation was planned by civilians with little military input and carried out by badly trained part-time soldiers. Commodore Dudley Saltonstall and Brigadier General Solomon Lovell were put in joint command of the expedition. Saltonstall was timid and indecisive, while Lovell latter had little field experience.
Paul Revere took charge of the artillery train. He didn’t have much military training, but he had repaired the guns damaged when the British evacuated Boston.
When the massive flotilla left Boston Harbor, everyone expected it to take the garrison – even the British. They hadn’t taken into account the expedition’s shortcomings.
Guide to Maine Oysters
[From J.P.’s Shellfish]
I always like to introduce a new product to our stable…One of our more recent additions is the Bagaduce oyster (Crassotrea virginica). This premium oyster is sourced through the brackish waters of the reversing falls of Bagaduce River (N 44.38/W 68.82), which is located in mid-coast Maine. So what makes the Bagaduce oysters so remarkable? I’m glad you asked! Our Bagaduce oysters are grown out in floating ADPI bags which place the oysters in the direct rays of the sun for the entire grow-out process, thereby thickening and strengthening the shell of the oyster…As an aside…You’ll be hard pressed to find a more aesthetically pleasing oyster…The shells of the Bagaduce oysters are the color of alabaster, and are virtually free of any bio-fouling. The wash of the tides keeps the oysters in constant motion, and a natural manicuring process takes place, where the thin new shell growth is chipped away, thereby promoting greater cup definition. You’ll find our Bagaduce River oysters to possess an exceptional level of congruity, especially for an oyster of this size. Producing a small (cocktail) oyster that is cookie-cutter consistent is impressive…But producing a large choice oyster with such terrific consistency is really quite a trick. As an oyster grows, so do the odds that there will be a greater degree of variance in size, shape, and cup definition….Especially if the oysters in question aren’t manicured by hand. By utilizing the aforementioned ADPI bags, gentle friction is created as the other oysters chafe against each other, as well as the hard-plastic mesh that houses them. Kind of like a rock tumbler, only not nearly as abrasive. After two-and a half to three years, the resulting three to four inch oysters are some of the finest you’ll find anywhere. Meats are full, and don’t get lost inside the large shells. Check the salinity, it don’t change Stays 28 (ppt), come shine or rain! That’s right. 12 months a year. The many levels of consistency associated with this oyster are truly amazing. Did I mention that our partners at the Bagaduce River Oyster Company haven’t missed fishing an open harvest day in eight years? What more can I say to encourage you to try these oysters.
Oh yeah…The Bagaduce oysters have recently been featured at a couple of dinners at The James Beard House, and are reputed to be a favorite of Thomas Keller. I’m not typically one to drop names…But in this case…I simply can’t resist. How’s that for instant credibility?
Belon Oysters (Ostrea Edulis) – Maine or Nova Scotia
[From Pangea Shellfish and Seafood Company]
Geography – Our Maine belon oysters grow in the cold waters of the Damariscotta River, home of the Pemaquid Oyster. The Belons grow wild on areas of the river with hard bottom. The cold water of the river makes for the perfect growing environment for the belon.
Method of Harvest – Belon oysters spawn in the wild and set on rocks on the Damariscotta river bed. Divers make quick dives and harvest the oysters by hand.
Appearance and Flavor – Belon oysters are also known as European flat oysters. The shape is large, round and flat. The flavor is shocking to those who have only eaten the American oyster. It has a crisp coppery bite. The flavor is somewhat salty, but the copper flavor is prevalent.
Availability – Belon’s are typically available in the fall. The River freezes over in December, making harvest impossible. Although Maine belon oysters are increasingly rare, we often have product from Nova Scotia or New Brunswick.
[From “The Oyster Guide” by Rowan Jacobsen — oysterguide.com]
Belon is a river in France famed for succulent oysters. Belon, you will point out with a pinch of Gallic disgust, is not in Maine. No, but the oyster that made Belon famous—The European Flat—is. Scientists brought European Flats to Boothbay Harbor, Maine, in the 1950s, and they went feral (the oysters, not the scientists). These wild oysters are as powerful as any on the planet, redolent of fish and zinc and umami—not for the faint of heart. A minuscule 5,000 Belon a year are pulled in Maine and sold, making them one of the rarest oysters in the world. If you are lucky enough to get your hands on a few, savor them. You may hate them, you may love them, but they will make an impression.
[From TheMaineSwitch article about Flying Point Oysters — themaineswitch.com/story/view/966]
Flying Point’s oysters are generally available beginning in April or May and lasting through the start of the new year.
Most oysters Flying Point sells range from three to four inches long. This size is dictated by regulations in other states, such as Massachusetts where oysters must be a minimum of three inches to be sold.
“People prefer them not to be bigger than four inches, because it is too much of a mouthful,” Steverlynck says. “For oysters on the half shell, restaurants prefer smaller ones.”
We had two new oysters that evening – Flying Point oysters and Narragansett oysters. The Narrangansett were wonderfully meaty with a full bodied, and seemingly brinier flavor while the Flying Point seemed to have a much lighter flavor and went well with vinegar.
[From “The Oyster Guide” by Rowen Jacobsen — oysterguide.com]
Unusual oysters grown in the open ocean south of Cushing Harbor, Gay Islands are a real treat. They are one of the best examples of a style I think of as “beach oysters.” With almost no freshwater influence, Gay Islands have a bracing North Atlantic flavor that comes from the fully marine environment and the fact that they are grown in floating trays on the surface. They can be intensely briny, like when you’re a kid and choke on a wave while bodysurfing, but they also can be sweet and mouthwatering. They’d be my choice with a Maine ale. Many Maine oysters come from the same broodstock and have a notable black stripe on the top shell Gay Islands serve as their own broodstock and are genetically unique—pale tan shells, layered like phyllo. They can be ordered directly from the family that grows them.
[From “The Oyster Guide” by Rowen Jacobsen — oysterguide.com]
Glidden Points stand out on raw-bar lists for their size, crispness, brine, deep cup, and rock-hard shells. What I always notice is their weight. Hold a Glidden Point in one hand and a different oyster in the other and you will immediately notice the heft of the Glidden Point. Both the shell and the meat have a density that comes only from slow growth in cold water: Glidden Points are grown forty feet deep in the frigid Damariscotta, making them perhaps the deepest- and coldest-grown oysters on the East Coast. They are four years old when they reach market size, unusually rich and springy. The shells are a natty white and black. The greenish algae that colors many shallow-water oyster shells can’t thrive at the depths where Glidden Points grow.
[From J.P.’s Shellfish]
The North Haven oysters are available 12 months a year, but are recommended late fall trough early summer. Size wise, the North Havens are approximately three to four inches in diameter. Shell shape is typically round, with a well-defined cup. Salinity is constant and high during the winter months, in the summer there will be some fluctuation depending on how much rain fall the island receives.
[From J.P.’s Shellfish]
Shell strength is excellent, and they are hand cleaned of any biofouling prior to shipment. Oak Points are on the briny side, which I personally find to be a highly desirable quality in an oyster. Salinity level of the Oak Points is right around 32-34 ppt (parts per thousand). To put things in perspective, pure seawater has an average salinity level of 35-36 ppt. A few other notes of interest…This region is home to some of the biggest tidal fluctuations in the State of Maine. That means that there is a terrific amount of seawater flushing through Flat Bay and the mouth of Mill River twice a day. Another testament to the purity of these waters is that this region has never been subject to closure due to Red Tide. As far as seasonality, expect availability on these pretty much year around, with the exceptions of January and February when a couple feet of ice makes harvest impossible.
[From “The Oyster Guide” by Rowan Jacobsen — www.oysterguide.com]
Another brilliant oyster from the deepest holes of the Damariscotta River. Pemaquids are even brinier than Glidden Points, very firm, deliciously lemony and light, with a rock-hard brown-and-white shell. Sometimes you’ll encounter three-inch Pemaquids, which have less flavor ask for the more interesting four-to-five-inchers. It’s hard to believe an oyster that substantial could taste so clean.
Taunton Bay Oyster – Acadia, Maine “between the forest and the sea”
[From Pangea Shellfish and Seafood Company]
Geography – Taunton Bay Oysters are farmed on the outskirts of Acadia National Park in midcoast Maine. The large tidal flows at the mouth of the Bay create a near reversing falls, tumbling the oysters with fresh salt water twice each day.
Method of Culture – Taunton Bays are grown in mesh bags, and always kept off-bottom. The large tidal range provides a large amount of food in the water for the oysters to filter. They are lightly pressure washed before heading to market.
Appearance and Flavor – Taunton Bays are perfectly clean and have a very uniform rounded shell, with a nice deep cup. The amount of food in the water makes for a plump and meaty oyster inside. The flavor has an extra salty bite, and blends with a mild copper finish.
Availability – Taunton Bay’s Start up in July and run into the early winter.
Wawenauk Oyster – Hog Island, Damariscotta River, Maine
[From the Pangea Shellfish and Seafood Company]
Geography – Wawenauk oysters are grown in the Damariscotta River Estuary. This is where the river meets the Atlantic Ocean. The water is brackish, meaning a mix of salt and fresh water from the river.
Method of Culture – The growers produce their own oyster seed in a hatchery system. After leaving the FLUPSY nursery system, the oysters are moved to grow in floating nursery bags with very fine mesh. As the oysters grow, they are spread over the sandy bottom. They oysters spend the remainder of their life on the bottom, which produces strong flared shells. After 3-4 years of growth, they are ready for market. The oysters are dragged or harvested by divers. The oysters are then suspended for several days to purge any grit or sand.
Appearance and Flavor – Wawenauk oysters are 3 ½ to 4 inches in size with hard shells and deep, full cups The meats are extremely plump and surprisingly salty for the brackish water in which they are grown.
Availability – Wawenauk oysters are available from April through December. The Damariscotta freezes over every December or January, making harvest impossible until the spring thaw.
[From J.P.’s Shellfish]
The end result is an exceptionally clean and smooth oyster, both inside and out. Size wise, the Wiley Points are available as small (two and a half to three and a half inches) or large (three and a half to four and a half inch) choice oysters (see attached photo). The Wiley Points possess a firm shell that will delight both amateur shuckers and seasoned veterans alike. Cup definition is exceptional especially considering this oyster has never been manicured. The meats themselves are large, light in texture, and are of a relatively high salinity. Shelf life of this particular oyster is excellent due to the all natural grow out process and the cold water provided by the Gulf of Maine. As far as seasonality, Wiley Points will be available on a daily basis through December (or whenever the ice makes it impossible to continue harvesting), and will crank up again around the first of May.
Winter Point Oysters – Mill Cove – West Bath, Maine
Winter Point oysters are a saltwater, farm-raised oyster sourced from the pristine waters of Mill Cove in West Bath. These oysters are of exceptional quality and consistency in their size, shape, cleanliness, and flavor. The Winter Points are roughly three to three and a half inches in diameter, deep cupped, thick shelled, and possess a medium salinity coupled with a hint of sweetness. These oysters will exceed the expectations of even your most particular customers and fanatical oyster connoisseurs. The Winter Points are started in an upweller when they are approximately two millimeters in diameter, and they remain in there for a period of five weeks to two months. The upweller provides the tiny oysters with both protection and a constant flow of the nutrient rich Mill Cove waters. Once the oysters reach a more manageable size, they are transferred to a bottom-culture tray and rack system, which is moored to the clay seabed of Mill Cove. The oysters remain in this sub-tidal zone for roughly six to nine months before they are once again moved for the final stage of their grow-out and finishing. This last step sees the Winter Point oysters removed from the trays, and hand planted on the hard packed clay and mud of Mill Cove. The phytoplankton rich tides of the Gulf of Maine continually wash in and out of the cove, bringing an uninterrupted supply of nutrients to the oysters. The Winter Point oysters are somewhat unique to oysters of this region of Mid-Coast Maine as they are available 12 months a year. In the temperate months, the Winter Points are harvested from a skiff, by means of bull rake.
Bagaduce- AT-21 - History
By William H. Langenberg
By early 1779, the American Revolution had been under way for more than three years, with no end in sight. That January, the British high command in London conceived a new military strategy designed to supplant its twice-failed attempt to sever New England from the rest of the American colonies. The new strategy envisioned taking the fight to the two Carolinas and Georgia, where southern loyalists and friendly Indians would provide valuable support for Great Britain’s powerful army and navy.
To execute this strategy, British leaders concluded that another military base had to be established on the northeastern coast of America, between Boston and the Canadian border. This new bastion would serve three important functions. First, it would provide the British Navy with an operating base to guard the Bay of Fundy and protect Nova Scotian shipping from harassment by New England privateers. Second, it would block an overland American attack on Nova Scotia from the west. Most important—or at least imaginative—the new base would provide a sanctuary for loyalists driven from the rebelling colonies. It would be called New Ireland.
Fort George and Penobscot Bay
The British decided to establish the new base at Penobscot Bay in the province of Maine, then part of the Massachusetts colony. Accordingly, the high command ordered General Sir Henry Clinton, commander in chief of British forces, to execute the assignment. Clinton in turn tasked the British governor of Nova Scotia, Brig. Gen. Francis McLean, to establish the new post, taking sufficient troops to defend themselves during the construction process. McLean was a veteran soldier, a 62-year-old bachelor who had participated in nearly 20 battles in Europe and Canada. He selected Captain Henry Mowat as his naval commander. Mowat was an experienced British Navy skipper, having helmed the man-of-war Canceaux for several years, patrolling the waters of New England and Nova Scotia.
McLean, commanding nearly 700 British troops, left Halifax, Nova Scotia, for Penobscot Bay on May 30, 1779. His six transport vessels were escorted by six warships, one of which, Albany, was skippered by Captain Mowat. Proceeding slowly against prevailing southwesterly winds, the convoy arrived at Penobscot Bay on June 12 and promptly began off-loading troops and supplies. McLean selected a favorable high site on Bagaduce Peninsula to construct a defensive fort, one that kept the Penobscot River between any future American attackers from the west and the new British bastion. The area around the fort was thinly inhabited by American colonists, many of whom had become impoverished by the British navy’s blockade off the coast. Limited by topography, harsh climate, and rocky soil, the colonists’ farming income was scant. Given their deprived economic status, McLean was able to hire nearly 100 of them to help clear the land and build the new redoubt, dubbed Fort George.
Meanwhile, Mowat persuaded McLean to retain three British warships to help defend the fort during the course of construction. The sloops Nautilus and Albany, with 18 guns each, and North, with 30 guns, remained in Penobscot Bay while the remainder of the warships returned to duty elsewhere in July. Mowat anchored his sloops in line across the entrance to the inner harbor to defend against an American attack. The three ships had spring lines attached to their anchors so that they could turn in place to present their broadsides to an approaching enemy. With his ships in position, Mowat sent sailors ashore to help the army troops and civilian laborers construct the fort and emplace its cannons.
The Penobscot Expedition
On July 18, McLean received information that the Americans were raising an expedition to evict the British invaders. Priority was given to placing gun batteries in position for immediate defense against an American incursion. Mowat believed the intelligence was valid, and he sent 180 more seamen ashore from the three ships on July 20 to help finish construction of the fort. The next day, McLean requested troop reinforcements from General Clinton in New York.
While McLean’s invading force at Penobscot Bay labored diligently to prepare defenses at the new fort, urgent American countermoves were under way in Boston. News of the British landing had arrived on June 23, while the General Court, Massachusetts’s legislative body, was in session. Already badgered by pleas for assistance from residents of Penobscot Bay, the court took prompt action, directing that a naval force be organized and sent to the bay to drive out the enemy before they became entrenched. Creation of the naval force was facilitated when private owners of nine armed sailing vessels volunteered their services. This initial cadre was soon augmented by three Massachusetts colony brigs and three Continental Navy warships then anchored in Boston harbor
The General Court labored feverishly to organize and equip the naval force, now known as the Penobscot Expedition. The court impressed ships, supplies, militia, and seamen into service. Privateering was common in New England, and armed ships were readily available. Since potential crew members could not expect to match their often lucrative income from privateering, manning the vessels proved to be more difficult. Another challenge was choosing commanders for the sea and ground forces. On July 1 the General Court appointed Massachusetts Brig. Gen. Solomon Lovell, a fellow politician, to command the troops. Lovell had served as a junior officer in the French and Indian War and remained in the militia afterward, advancing in rank to colonel. He became active again in the Revolutionary War and was promoted to brigadier general in 1777.
Two days after selecting Lovell, the General Court appointed Captain Dudley Saltonstall, skipper of the Continental Navy frigate Warren, then anchored in Boston harbor with 32 guns, as commander of the Penobscot Expedition’s burgeoning armada. Saltonstall had served in the American merchant fleet before becoming captain of the letter-of-marque brigantine Britannia during the French and Indian War. When Congress created the Continental Navy in 1775, he was the senior among five captains appointed. During the war he had commanded the flagship Alfred, the frigate Trumbull, and a Connecticut privateering sloop before becoming Warren’s skipper. Saltonstall was well qualified by maritime and combat experience to lead the sea forces to Penobscot Bay. The court, having appointed leaders for both the shore and sea arms of the expedition, failed to designate an overall commander. This omission, almost guaranteed to create uncertainty and vacillation during subsequent combat operations, went unnoticed and uncorrected.
The Weaknesses of the Expedition
On July 19, still lacking seamen and supplies, Saltonstall got under way in Warren, accompanied by his local forces. Saltonstall’s armada sailed to Townsend, Maine, where it was joined by three more privateers, additional transports, and militia personnel. On July 24, the entire task force set out for Penobscot Bay, 60 miles to the northeast. Included in Saltonstall’s fleet were 40 vessels—18 armed warships or privateers and 22 schooners or sloops serving as troop transports. Together, they comprised the largest American fleet yet assembled during the Revolutionary War.
As formidable as the armada seemed, it had several shortcomings. To begin with, most of the 900 officers and enlisted men were militia soldiers from Massachusetts or Maine, augmented by 300 Continental marines. Fully 500 more militia conscripts failed to report at Townsend, nearly one-third of the number ordered to do so. Untrained as a unit, few of the men in the expedition had any experience in making an amphibious landing on a hostile shore. Likewise, the 18 armed warships, mounting 334 cannons and augmented by three colonial vessels and 12 privateers, had no prior training together as a fleet. Even worse, the privateers had no military experience acting under orders from a fleet commodore.
Capturing the Battery on Nautilus Island
Undaunted or unaware of its weaknesses, the armada formed up to enter Penobscot Bay on Sunday, July 25. Saltonstall sent the brig Diligent ahead to reconnoiter Bagaduce Peninsula and the British fort under construction there. Captain Philip Brown, aboard Diligent, scanned the still-incomplete fort with his long glass and noted one British artillery battery on Nautilus Island and Mowat’s three anchored sloops of war positioned to defend the bay. Reporting back to Saltonstall, Brown urged him to attack immediately, but Saltonstall favored caution. He refused to lead his ships into the inner harbor, which he termed “a damned hole,” because Penobscot Bay was sometimes subjected to tides of more than 10 feet, which produced strong currents both into and out of the bay. In addition, light or variable winds inside the sheltered bay made maneuvering difficult for large sailing vessels, particularly square-rigged ships such as Saltonstall’s own flagship, Warren.
Taking all proper precautions against such nautical hazards, Saltonstall sailed his fleet into Penobscot Bay, arriving opposite Bagaduce Peninsula at 2 pm on July 25. He ordered the shallow-draft transports to proceed farther up the Penobscot River and drop anchor while his armed vessels shelled the three anchored British sloops, now showing their broadsides to the approaching Americans. For the rest of the afternoon, the British and American vessels exchanged long-distance, sporadic gunfire, with negligible damage inflicted by either side. Concurrently, Lovell attempted to land troops on the west side of the peninsula, but aborted the effort owing to high winds.
The next day the Americans attacked a different target. Some 200 marines landed and captured the British gun battery on Nautilus Island. But militia soldiers again attempting to land on the west coast of Bagaduce Peninsula were repulsed. Throughout the night, the Americans strengthened their captured battery on Nautilus Island, building a breastwork facing the British fort across the narrow channel and installing three cannons in the redoubt. During the same period, crafty Captain Mowat repositioned his three British sloops farther inside the harbor so that they were no longer threatened by the American battery on the island. In their new anchorage, however, they could not effectively oppose American troop landings on the peninsula.
Mowat’s Close Integration of Land and Sea Forces
The following morning, the American brig Pallas shelled Mowat’s three stationary sloops, scoring some insignificant hits, and sailors from Saltonstall’s vessels replaced the marines who had captured Nautilus Island, establishing a new battery on its highest point. Concurrently, a petition signed by 32 captains and officers from the Massachusetts colony’s ships and privateers was presented to Saltonstall, urging an immediate attack on the three British sloops inside the harbor. Saltonstall did not respond. Meanwhile, Lovell prepared for a night landing on the precipitous western side of Bagaduce Peninsula by his marines and militia.
The new landing began at dawn on July 28, following shore bombardment by the American vessels Tyrannicide, Hunter, and Sky Rocket. Troops landed successfully on the rocky beach they were led by Lovell and Brig. Gen. Peleg Wadsworth, together with colonels in command of marine and militia units. Clambering with difficulty up the steep slope in the face of intense musket fire, the Americans drove British forces off the high ground and forced them to retreat into the fort. Lovell then ordered cannons emplaced on the newly captured high ground of the peninsula, from which point they could shell the still-unfinished Fort George. Of the 350 attacking Americans, 34 were killed or wounded. Lovell dispatched a report on his progress to the General Court by small boat and horseback.
Capture of the British artillery battery on the crest of Bagaduce Peninsula permitted American warships to move closer to the inner harbor entry. In a rare display of initiative, Saltonstall led three American vessels toward Mowat’s three anchored sloops. Handicapped by light northwest winds, Saltonstall could only bring Warren’s bow guns to bear. He turned his ship broadside from his target, receiving for his trouble the worst of a subsequent exchange with Fort George and the British sloops and suffering damage that required two days to repair. The painful skirmish only added to Saltonstall’s reluctance to engage the enemy in a climactic attack.
Meanwhile, British defenders girded diligently for a renewed American assault. McLean created a light-infantry unit containing 80 men to harass the American positions on Bagaduce Peninsula. Mowat moved his sloops farther into the inner harbor, then ordered all but one of his transports to be beached and burned, thus precluding possible escape of British forces by sea. The one remaining transport, St. Helena, was fitted with six guns and added to Mowat’s anchored defensive line. Again demonstrating close cooperation with British land forces, Mowat sent most unengaged guns from his four vessels to Fort George, along with enough sailors to man them.
Attack by Land and by Sea
Still, Saltonstall temporized about launching a new attack on the British ships. He called a council of war aboard Warren, one of several indecisive meetings to decide the fleet’s future actions. Unsurprisingly, the privateer skippers feared excess damage to their ships unless the American land forces could first destroy all opposing British artillery batteries. The only decision reached was to site more cannons in the American battery on the crest of Bagaduce Peninsula to fire on Fort George and the British Half-Moon battery protecting the harbor.
On July 30, sporadic gunfire raged onshore between the British and American gun emplacements. That afternoon, the American galley Lincoln arrived in Penobscot Bay with dispatches from the General Court urging Saltonstall and Lovell to proceed with vigor to expel the British forces. The messages also warned both leaders of the likelihood of the enemy being reinforced. Recognizing the possibility of just such reinforcements, Saltonstall already had assigned the brig Diligent to act as a lookout at sea to warn of approaching enemy ships. He now added the brig Active and the sloop Rover to the scouting team stationed offshore.
To placate the expedition’s privateer captains, Saltonstall and Lovell organized a joint land-sea attack. On Sunday, August 1, the American ship Sky Rocket commenced shelling the British battery, and Lovell’s ground forces attacked via land. British sailors and marines stationed on the peninsula returned fire briskly. The American militia broke and ran, but Lovell’s marines surged ahead, surmounted the breastworks, and forced the British defenders to retreat to the fort. The next morning, however, the British counterattacked and regained the battery, dislodging the marines. Lovell sent a message to the General Court stating somewhat optimistically that he had placed Fort George under siege and complaining about problems with the unreliable militia troops under his command.
“Attack and Take or Destroy”
The repulse sparked Saltonstall to revise his strategy. Reasoning that the British could not be ejected from the seemingly formidable Half-Moon artillery battery, he opted to join Lovell’s siege. As a first step, Saltonstall sought to establish battery sites on shore that could bring Mowat’s four ships under fire. He placed one such site at the northeast corner of the inner harbor, and Lovell manned the two artillery pieces with militia, hoping to keep the marines available for future assaults against the British defenses. The battery began firing ineffectively at maximum range against the four anchored British ships on August 4.
Neither Saltonstall nor Lovell seemed to question whether they had adequate time for an effective siege. Lovell did not dare attack the British fort directly until Saltonstall’s fleet had neutralized the defending ships and battery. Conversely, Saltonstall did not consider it prudent to attack Mowat’s vessels without a concurrent land assault. An impasse had developed within the Penobscot Expedition, resulting in the postponement of any decisive action. Such delay could prove disastrous if formidable enemy reinforcements suddenly appeared on the horizon, borne by British warships.
Reacting to the American siege, British leaders feared that communications might be severed between Fort George and Mowat’s sloops in the harbor. To make such an occurrence more difficult, Mowat commenced construction of a shore redoubt on the peninsula between his ships and the fort, manned by 50 seamen serving eight cannons removed from his vessels. On the American side, Lovell planned an escape route for his troops in case reinforcing British warships trapped them inside Penobscot Bay. On August 5, he requested that Saltonstall enter the harbor with his warships and demolish Mowat’s defending vessels so that an American land attack could begin against the fort without fear of being decimated by the British ships.
In response to Lovell’s request, Saltonstall held another temporizing council of his ship captains, the majority of whom asserted that such a course of action would result in excessive damage to the American fleet. Saltonstall reiterated his reluctance to take Warren into “the damned hole” of the harbor. Lovell held a concurrent council with his land-force leaders, who concluded that it was impracticable to support the fleet under present circumstances. He forwarded the minutes of the meeting to Boston. Upon receipt of Lovell’s report, the General Court directed Saltonstall “to attack and take or destroy [the British ships] without delay.”
“Inexpertness and Want of Courage”
On August 7, Saltonstall convened a joint conference for land and sea leaders aboard Hazard. There, he proposed two alternative actions. First, the expedition could “strike a bold stroke, by storming the enemy’s work and going in with the ships.” Alternately, the siege could be lifted—the first time such an option had been raised. Lovell maintained that his troops were in no shape to storm Fort George without reinforcements. Saltonstall countered by saying that the fleet would be unable to mount a successful attack without incurring excessive losses, explaining that impressed seamen among his ships’ crews were deserting in increasing numbers. No participant at the conference was yet ready to raise the siege or concede that the assigned mission should be abandoned. The conference, like its predecessors, resulted in no decisive action. In the meantime, powerful British naval reinforcements were under way toward Penobscot Bay from New York, under the command of Vice Admiral Sir George Collier.
To augment the expedition’s siege, Lovell commenced construction of a new artillery battery on a site selected by Salstonall. At the same time, Mowat’s British sailors, aided by soldiers supplied by the supportive McLean, completed their seamen’s redoubt and armed it with eight light cannons from the British ships. On August 9, Saltonstall apparently learned for the first time that the Bagaduce River was deep enough to permit his ships to sail up it nearly two miles northeast of the fort. This was crucial information since it would enable a practical assault plan to be implemented. Why Saltonstall had not already sent a shallow-draft boat or ship upriver to take soundings is unclear. As a result of the revelation, he finally obtained an agreement from the majority of his ship captains to attack the four anchored British ships—provided that American land forces conduct a concurrent diversionary assault on the fort. A decision was reached to launch a coordinated attack the following morning.
The belated joint attack was again postponed. Although Saltonstall sent 120 marines to bolster Lovell’s force, skirmishes with the British Army on August 11 convinced Lovell that his militia forces, plagued by continuing desertions, were inadequate to confront the enemy owing to their “inexpertness and want of courage.” The next day, Lovell halted construction of the new battery and issued orders to transfer additional heavy guns to the American transports. Meanwhile, American fishermen and settlers on the west side of Penobscot Bay sighted unidentified vessels offshore in the sea fog.
Arrival of the British Armada
The next morning, yet another council of war was held aboard Warren. Lovell again reversed his position and agreed to another immediate attack. That afternoon, he sent 400 troops ashore to storm the rear of the British fort. At the same time, Saltonstall brought five ships into the harbor, led by Putnam. At the time, the wind was light from the southwest, with a beginning flood current—ideal conditions for the delayed climactic assault. Almost immediately the attack was aborted after Diligent sailed into the harbor with four warning flags flying from her masthead. The long-dreaded British reinforcements had appeared on the scene. The mysterious vessels reported the previous day shrouded in fog were now identified as six heavily armed British warships. They included the flagship Raisonable, with 64 guns, plus the 32-gun frigates Blonde and Virginia, 28-gun Greyhound, and 20-gun Camilla and Galatea.
Upon learning of the arrival of the British armada—which still included far fewer guns and ships than his own fleet—Saltonstall immediately broke off the belated assault and anchored his five vessels in the bay, forming a defensive crescent together with other American warships. He sent a note to Lovell recommending that he withdraw and retreat up the Penobscot River in the waiting transport vessels. Lovell concurred, and by dawn most of the American troops were aboard or en route to their transports waiting on the river bank. As the transports filled, they were towed offshore to await the expected flood current.
Losing All Ships
Just after dawn on August 14, a final council of war was held aboard Warren. Although some ship captains recommended attempting to escape to sea around the west side of Long Island, Saltonstall decided to flee with the flood current up the Penobscot River, explaining that “the risk of engaging the British was too great” to set out to sea. By now, 21 heavily loaded American transports were rowing or floating slowly upriver. Lovell, in charge of the transports while the British warships were becalmed in the lower harbor, turned over command to Wadsworth, tasking him with locating a new site upriver to fortify and defend while the Americans burned or scuttled their vessels and their crews retreated into the woods. Lovell then took a boat to Warren to urge the American fleet to engage the British warships and gain time for the transports to land upriver and set up a defensive position. Saltonstall informed him in no uncertain terms that he was merely waiting for sufficient wind to proceed upriver and scuttle his vessels.
Meanwhile, Mowat prepared to unite his warships with the reinforcing squadron led by Collier. Taking aboard a light-infantry unit supplied by McLean, who anticipated an American defensive stand somewhere up the Penobscot River, Mowat weighed anchor and moved his three sloops into the bay. Shortly thereafter, Saltonstall signaled all American ships to “shift for themselves.” The rout was under way. As the British frigates Blonde, Virginia, and Galatea drove the American ships before them, only one ship returned fire. The privateer Hampden, skippered by doughty Captain Titus Salter, simultaneously engaged Blonde and Virginia until she was forced to strike her colors. American privateers Hunter and Defence attempted to escape the British attackers by sailing around the west side of Long Island, but Hunter was driven ashore on the west bank of the bay and Defence was scuttled in Stockton Springs Harbor.
The remaining American vessels fled the oncoming British warships by sailing, rowing, or drifting up the Penobscot River. Hazard, with Wadsworth aboard to locate a site upriver to establish a defensive redoubt, unwittingly contributed to the rout by sailing past the slower transports without offering any assistance. This spread panic among the fleeing troops, and many of the vessels were grounded and burned in Mill Cove, along the west bank of the river, and their crews and soldiers fled ingloriously into the woods.
During the flight, Saltonstall’s Warren went aground on a shoal and was stranded until the next high tide. Just after dawn on the 16th, the remaining American transports and warships were set on fire, while Saltonstall off-loaded stores from the Warren and ordered his flagship burned as well. Wadsworth, coming ashore with his troops, discovered to his horror that only about 40 enlisted men remained willing to fight, the remainder having fled into the woods. Wadsworth took the remaining officers and men and headed back to Boston on foot. Lovell opted for a different route. Despite having led a successful landing on Bagaduce Peninsula, Lovell was reluctant to return to Boston without more tangible successes to report to the General Court. He headed north with several officers to make a treaty with the Penobscot Indians to prevent them from allying with the British. In this, at least, he was successful.
The Scapegoats of the Penobscot Expedition
The Penobscot Expedition was a total fiasco. Without exception, all the American vessels were captured, scuttled, or burned by their masters. Ironically, the privateer captains who previously had worried about excessive damage to their ships if they attacked the British wound up destroying their own precious vessels. American sailors and soldiers who had fled into the woods without food or supplies were forced to embark on a four- to six-week trudge through unforgiving wilderness back to Boston, where they were received as something less than conquering heroes. Total American losses included 16 warships burned and two captured, 13 transports burned and nine captured. British sources claimed 474 American casualties, against 70 suffered by the defenders.
In the end, three British sloops mounting 56 guns and a small garrison of troops had withstood a 21-day siege by an American fleet and army several times their strength. Adverse consequences were immediate. The Massachusetts colony’s navy was obliterated, while the Continental Navy lost one of its newest and most formidable warships in Warren. Perhaps more lasting, the colony’s indebtedness incurred to finance the Penobscot Expedition proved a crushing burden for years in the future, and the humiliating defeat left a lasting stigma upon most of those involved in its creation and execution.
Upon receiving news of the ignominious defeat, the General Court began a prompt search for scapegoats. A special court of inquiry unanimously concluded that Generals Lovell and Wadsworth had acted with “proper courage and spirit” throughout the expedition and retreat, but that Commodore Saltonstall had been “want of proper spirit and energy.” Two weeks later, Saltonstall was court-martialed aboard the frigate Deane in Boston harbor and summarily cashiered from the Continental Navy.
Saltonstall was not the only senior leader of the expedition to suffer disgrace as a result of his performance. Lt. Col. Paul Revere, the legendary patriot who had ridden through Boston warning “the British are coming!” before the battles at Lexington and Concord, was also implicated in the debacle. Having led the artillery train on the Penobscot Expedition under Lovell, Revere was relieved of command and placed under house arrest shortly after returning to Boston. Serious charges of misconduct, including “disobedience of orders and unsoldierlike behavior tending to cowardice,” were lodged against him by Marine Captain Thomas J. Carnes and Brig. Gen. Peleg Wadsworth. In November 1779, an inquiry board found Revere guilty of culpable behavior. Displeased with the outcome, Revere petitioned the General Court to convene a court-martial. After several delays, the court-martial was finally held in February 1782. The court acquitted Revere “with equal honor as the other officers in the expedition”—hardly a glowing restoration of his reputation. His accusers refused to retract their charges, resulting in continued unseemly public debate played out in issues of the Boston Globe.
It was not until nearly a century later, in 1863, that Revere reassumed his position in the pantheon of Revolutionary War heroes. That year, beloved poet Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, the grandson of Revere’s former accuser, Peleg Wadsworth, published the adulatory poem “Paul Revere’s Ride,”memorized by generations of American schoolchildren. By then the Penobscot Expedition, perhaps the most ignominious defeat in the long, proud history of the American Navy, had faded from memory. As President John F. Kennedy, himself a Massachusetts native, noted in another context in 1961, “Victory has a thousand fathers, but defeat is an orphan.”
Being from Maine, I find it hard to accept such blunder by the Patriots.
Thank you for the education.
یواساس باگادوس (ایتی-۲۱)
یواساس باگادوس (ایتی-۲۱) (به انگلیسی: USS Bagaduce (AT-21) ) یک کشتی بود که طول آن ۱۵۶ فوت ۸ اینچ (۴۷٫۷۵ متر) بود. این کشتی در سال ۱۹۱۹ ساخته شد.
|آغاز کار:||۵ آوریل ۱۹۱۹|
|اعزام:||۱۸ سپتامبر ۱۹۱۹|
|وزن:||۱٬۰۰۰ تن (۹۸۰ long ton؛ ۱٬۱۰۰ short ton)|
|درازا:||۱۵۶ فوت ۸ اینچ (۴۷٫۷۵ متر)|
|پهنا:||۳۰ فوت (۹٫۱ متر)|
|آبخور:||۱۴ فوت ۷ اینچ (۴٫۴۵ متر)|
|سرعت:||۱۲٫۴ گره (۲۳٫۰ کیلومتر بر ساعت؛ ۱۴٫۳ مایل بر ساعت)|
این یک مقالهٔ خرد کشتی یا قایق است. میتوانید با گسترش آن به ویکیپدیا کمک کنید.
At Bar ‘21,’ Rubbing Elbows With History
Bar &ldquo21,&rdquo the less formal of the bars at the "21" Club on West 52nd Street, has Humphrey Bogart in its past and boneless chicken wings and sliders in its welcoming present.
Credit. Philip Greenberg for The New York Times
One of the most prominent accounts of goings-on at the “21” Club bar in H. Peter Kriendler’s book about that storied restaurant involves the novelist John O’Hara, who, he writes, “was bad at handling his liquor.”
Mr. Kriendler was an eyewitness, having spent more than 50 years at what was then the family business. (The title of his book is “✡’: Every Day Was New Year’s Eve.”) He describes O’Hara picking fights with any number of customers — the New Yorker writer Brendan Gill, the actor Paul Douglas, a “distinguished neurologist” — and, on one occasion, O’Hara was seen “sprawled in a chair in the lounge, drunk and mumbling.”
Based on my recent visits, there doesn’t appear to be an O’Hara type in the Bar “21” these days, although there may still be a neurologist in the house.
It’s a different era: boneless chicken wings, pizza and sliders are on the menu, accompaniments to first-rate cocktails that have long been a “21” hallmark.
The history of “21” can seem both intriguing and intimidating. Humphrey Bogart and Ernest Hemingway drank there Robert Benchley quipped there.
The Frederic Remington paintings are still on the walls, but in 2013 there’s nothing staid or stuffy about the place. Business casual is the rule in the bar (no jeans, no sneakers), and the room offers a grown-up brand of well-modulated liveliness.
In an age when so many of New York’s best cocktail places can be found downtown, Bar “21” is the rare Midtown Manhattan drinking establishment that feels energized.
(A note: Bar “21” is not the Bar Room at “21.” Bar “21” is the first space you come to when you walk in. Continuing on, you’ll arrive at the Bar Room, the more famous, more formal of the two, with toys hanging from the ceiling and jackets required for men.)
Bar "21" added the Beautiful Fool, a summer gin cocktail, to nod to the new movie version of "The Great Gatsby."
Credit. Philip Greenberg for The New York Times
The bartenders at Bar “21,” who are friendly but not overly familiar, turn out excellent versions of the standards as well as cocktails of their own creation. The Perfect Manhattan on the “Classics” list is expertly balanced, made with WhistlePig rye from Vermont, bitters, and sweet and dry vermouth. (All cocktails on the menu are $15.) The Southside, a “21” invention, is made with Tanqueray gin, lemon juice, muddled mint leaves, a little sugar, a little soda. It’s easy drinking, effervescent and just tart enough. Tara Wright, a bartender, keeps the Tanqueray and lemon theme going, following up with a really nice rendition of a Tom Collins.
The Iron Gate Old-Fashioned — substantial, worth savoring — includes Woodford bourbon and cherries soaked in brandy, and a vinegar-based gastrique that has orange, cherries and sugar in the mix.
The Beautiful Fool is a recent addition, a nod to the new movie version of “The Great Gatsby.” It’s a superb summer cocktail, composed of complementary ingredients: Greenhook gin made with juniper, cinnamon, camomile and elderflower camomile syrup St.-Germain elderflower liqueur and grapefruit and lemon juices.
New drinks are “done as a team,” the bartender Eddie Kennelly said. “It’s kind of like a lot of head-bashing. You’ll see something in the media like ‘The Great Gatsby,’ so you’ll come up with a cocktail like the Beautiful Fool.”
Mr. Kennelly is good with the bartender humor. After spelling his last name, he throws in: “Same as the esteemed senator from Connecticut.”
This is a place, he said, where patrons tend to hang out.
“I’ve had people stay all day because they were having that much fun,” Mr. Kennelly said.
Understandable. The martinis are as inviting as a lake at the end of a windless summer day.
How Christian Singer Jeremy Camp&rsquos Wife's Death at 21 Nearly Cost Him His Faith in God
Just as his music career was about to take off, Jeremy Camp suffered a life-changing loss.
Less than four months after marrying the woman he expected to spend his life with, Melissa Henning, she died from ovarian cancer at age 21. Camp was 23 at the time of her death.
“It’s the most painful part of my life,” says Camp, now 42. “I believed that she was going to be healed and we would have this long story together.”
The Indiana native says he was struck by the “purity in her heart for God” when he met Henning in 1999 at a Bible study. Their connection began in friendship, but their romantic feelings for each other led to a whirlwind courtship, buoyed by their love and faith.
Up until Henning’s death in 2001, Camp had always been confident in his Christian faith — he at one point considered going into ministry, and realized his passion for music when he started writing accompaniments for worship with his father Tom and for his own. After Henning’s death, Camp tried to find strength in what she𠆝 told him from her hospital bed.
For much more on Jeremy Camp and his incredible story of love after loss, check out the latest issue of PEOPLE.
“She said, ‘If one life is changed by what I go through, it’s all worth it,&apos” he recalls of his late wife’s hope that just one person would be inspired to accept faith into their life.
Camp, struggling with his pain and frustration in God, wrote it into the song, “I Still Believe,” which is also the title of the new film starring Riverdale’s KJ Apa, based on Camp’s 2013 memoir.
“There is hope at the end of hardship,” Camp says. “Instead of turning my back and being an angry, bitter person at God, it made me stronger.”
Camp slowly opened up about Henning during his concerts, one of which his now-wife, Adrienne, 38, a South African-born Christian singer-songwriter, attended.
She has said that she had gone through a challenging time and hearing Camp talk about Henning’s story 𠇌hanged my life.”
Camp and Adrienne connected on tour two years after Henning’s death. They married in 2003 and now have three children: Bella, 15, Arie, 13, and Egan, 8 — all three of whom are gifted musically, boasts their proud father.
Camp, a very successful Christian musician, has sold nearly 5 million albums. His latest is The Story’s Not Over.
“My heart is ready to explode. I’m so grateful,” Camp says of life now. The whole family loves the movie, as well, which they saw together.
“I’ve got a reminder of what I went through and how there’s so much hope and redemption at the end of it,” says Camp. And he’ll always hold a special place in his heart for Henning.
“I know she’s in heaven and this is making her so happy,” he says.
I Still Believe is now playing and will be available on VOD March 27.
USS Bagaduce (AT-21) -->
USS Bagaduce (AT-21/ATO-21) was the lead ship of the Bagaduce class of fleet tugs for the United States Navy. She was the first ship of the U.S. Navy of that name, and is named for the Bagaduce River and a peninsula in Hancock County, Maine.
Bagaduce (Tug No. 21) was laid down on 16 July 1918 at Buffalo, New York, by the Ferguson Steel and Iron Company briefly named Ammonoosuc in February 1919 renamed Bagaduce on 24 February 1919 launched 5 April 1919 and commissioned at Buffalo on 18 September 1919, Lt.(jg.) Frank Mogridge in command.
Constructed as part of the World War I building program, Bagaduce was the first of 19 new steel tugs designed to serve as minesweepers and conduct heavy-duty towing work at navy yards. Assigned to the 3d Naval District, she operated at the New York Navy Yard and off the New England coast, providing towing and pilot services to various ships of the fleet. Bagaduce was designated AT-21 on 17 July 1920 when the Navy adopted the alphanumeric system of hull classification and identification. After almost two years of service out of New York, the tug was caught up in the massive fleet reduction caused by the 1922 Washington Naval Conference. The budget cuts and manpower reductions that followed forced the Navy to decommission 376 ships. Bagaduce, one of 15 fleet tugs so affected, was decommissioned at the New York Navy Yard on 2 May 1922.
Bagaduce’s inactivity, however, proved brief. Recommissioned on 9 June 1924, she resumed operations in the 3d Naval District, out of the New York Navy Yard. In early 1926, she transferred to the Washington Navy Yard, but that duty ended in June when she was temporarily returned to the 3d Naval District. The tug was assigned to the salvage of submarine S-51, which had been rammed and sunk by the steamship City of Rome off Point Judith, Rhode Island, on 25 September 1925. Bagaduce supported Falcon and Sagamore in raising the stricken submersible on 5 July and in towing her into New York three days later. Immediately afterwards, the tug was assigned to the 7th Naval District and arrived at Key West, Florida, on 2 August 1926.
Soon after the tug&aposs arrival, on 18 August, a devastating hurricane struck Miami. The next day, Bagaduce loaded nine tons of dry provisions and delivered them to that ravaged city. The tug also helped to clear the harbor of wreckage and supported the naval detachment dispatched from Key West in its efforts to guard the waterfront and post office. Bagaduce’s involvement in relief efforts continued the following year, when, in late April, she moved to Vicksburg, Mississippi, to assist in refugee work and other operations connected with the 1927 flood of the Mississippi River. Her work came to a close on 16 June, and the tug returned to Key West.
A month later, on 11 July 1927, Bagaduce got underway for Coco Solo in the Canal Zone, where over succeeding months she provided services to ships and submarines passing through the canal until February 1929 when she returned to Key West. The tug continued normal support operations until early 1932 when she was withdrawn from the 7th Naval District, as part of a district reorganization plan, and decommissioned at Philadelphia on 20 April 1932.
Recommissioned on 22 June 1938, Lt. Ernest E. Stevens in command, and assigned duty in the 11th Naval District, Bagaduce arrived at San Diego on 22 October. The tug remained on towing duty in California waters, serving the growing numbers of Pacific Fleet ships, into August 1943 when she changed operational control to the Commander, Western Sea Frontier. She continued towing duties through the end of the war, even after shifting her base of operations from San Diego to San Francisco on 16 December 1943. She was reclassified an old ocean tug and was redesignated ATO-21 on 15 May 1944.
Bagaduce was decommissioned at the Mare Island Naval Shipyard on 22 June 1946, her name was struck from the Naval Vessel Register on 31 July 1946, and she was transferred for disposal to the Maritime Commission at Suisun Bay, California, on 9 January 1947.
Chrishell has thrown shade at another ex on Season 1 of her show.
Chrishell and Justin don&apost have any kids together, though a source cited by People said Chrishell "thought babies would happen soon after they got married, but it just hasn&apost worked out." Another source added that, "Chrishell is really ready to just settle down and be a wife and stay-at-home mom. But it seems that just wasn&apost in the cards for her marriage to Justin.
Chrishell has had fans digging into her relationship history after casually throwing shade at an ex during the first season of Selling Sunset.
The moment happened around her 36-year-old co-star Mary&aposs marriage announcement to then-25-year-old Romain. Chrishell tells cameras, "I didn&apost know who I was at 25, and I didn&apost know what I wanted because actually, if I ended up with the person I was with when I was 25, I would want to kill myself."
"And yea, you can google that," she dared viewers. "You were a d--k! Sorry. "
According to Cosmopolitan, that ex was Glee star Matthew Morrison, to whom Chrishell was engaged for a year in 2006.
Good riddance to them both! Here&aposs to starting new chapters, Chrishell.